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My Promised Land: The Triumph and Tragedy of Israel Hardcover – November 19, 2013

4.5 4.5 out of 5 stars 5,387 ratings

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NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW AND THE ECONOMIST

Winner of the Natan Book Award, the National Jewish Book Award, and the Anisfield-Wolf Book Award

An authoritative and deeply personal narrative history of the State of Israel, by one of the most influential journalists writing about the Middle East today
 
Not since Thomas L. Friedman’s groundbreaking
From Beirut to Jerusalem has a book captured the essence and the beating heart of the Middle East as keenly and dynamically as My Promised Land. Facing unprecedented internal and external pressures, Israel today is at a moment of existential crisis. Ari Shavit draws on interviews, historical documents, private diaries, and letters, as well as his own family’s story, illuminating the pivotal moments of the Zionist century to tell a riveting narrative that is larger than the sum of its parts: both personal and national, both deeply human and of profound historical dimension.
 
We meet Shavit’s great-grandfather, a British Zionist who in 1897 visited the Holy Land on a Thomas Cook tour and understood that it was the way of the future for his people; the idealist young farmer who bought land from his Arab neighbor in the 1920s to grow the Jaffa oranges that would create Palestine’s booming economy; the visionary youth group leader who, in the 1940s, transformed Masada from the neglected ruins of an extremist sect into a powerful symbol for Zionism; the Palestinian who as a young man in 1948 was driven with his family from his home during the expulsion from Lydda; the immigrant orphans of Europe’s Holocaust, who took on menial work and focused on raising their children to become the leaders of the new state; the pragmatic engineer who was instrumental in developing Israel’s nuclear program in the 1960s, in the only interview he ever gave; the zealous religious Zionists who started the settler movement in the 1970s; the dot-com entrepreneurs and young men and women behind Tel-Aviv’s booming club scene; and today’s architects of Israel’s foreign policy with Iran, whose nuclear threat looms ominously over the tiny country.

As it examines the complexities and contradictions of the Israeli condition,
My Promised Land asks difficult but important questions: Why did Israel come to be? How did it come to be? Can Israel survive? Culminating with an analysis of the issues and threats that Israel is currently facing, My Promised Land uses the defining events of the past to shed new light on the present. The result is a landmark portrait of a small, vibrant country living on the edge, whose identity and presence play a crucial role in today’s global political landscape.

Praise for My Promised Land

“This book will sweep you up in its narrative force and not let go of you until it is done. [Shavit’s] accomplishment is so unlikely, so total . . . that it makes you believe anything is possible, even, God help us, peace in the Middle East.”
—Simon Schama, Financial Times
 
“[A] must-read book.”
—Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times
 
“Important and powerful . . . the least tendentious book about Israel I have ever read.”
—Leon Wieseltier, The New York Times Book Review
 
“Spellbinding . . . Shavit’s prophetic voice carries lessons that all sides need to hear.”
—The Economist
 
“One of the most nuanced and challenging books written on Israel in years.”
—The Wall Street Journal
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Editorial Reviews

From Booklist

Shavit is a columnist for the center-left Israeli daily Haaretz. Unlike some on the Israeli Left, he isn’t an anti-Zionist provocateur. Rather, he is a fervently patriotic Israeli with an abiding love for his nation’s history and the best of its traditions and institutions. So his honest and sometimes brutally frank portrait of his homeland’s past and its present dilemmas is especially poignant. Shavit’s narrative is strongest when he utilizes the stories of individual Israelis to paint a rich tableau based on personal experiences. What emerges isn’t necessarily optimistic. He regards the current peace process as a dead end, since no Palestinian leader or government can guarantee an agreement that offers the necessary security for Israel. Yet his own military experience on the West Bank has convinced him that control over Palestinians is poisonous and cannot be sustained. Finally, he makes clear that Iran truly is an existential threat that must, somehow, be neutralized. This is a masterful portrait of contemporary Israel. --Jay Freeman

Review

“This book will sweep you up in its narrative force and not let go of you until it is done. [Shavit’s] accomplishment is so unlikely, so total . . . that it makes you believe anything is possible, even, God help us, peace in the Middle East.”—Simon Schama, Financial Times
 
“[A] must-read book . . . Shavit celebrates the Zionist man-made miracle—from its start-ups to its gay bars—while remaining affectionate, critical, realistic and morally anchored. . . . His book is a real contribution to changing the conversation about Israel and building a healthier relationship with it. Before their next ninety-minute phone call, both Barack and Bibi should read it.”
—Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times
 
“[An] important and powerful book . . . [Shavit] has an undoctrinaire mind. He comes not to praise or to blame, though along the way he does both, with erudition and with eloquence; he comes instead to observe and to reflect. This is the least tendentious book about Israel I have ever read. It is a Zionist book unblinkered by Zionism. It is about the entirety of the Israeli experience. Shavit is immersed in all of the history of his country.  While some of it offends him, none of it is alien to him. . . . The author of 
My Promised Land is a dreamer with an addiction to reality. He holds out for affirmation without illusion. Shavit’s book is an extended test of his own capacity to maintain his principles in full view of the brutality that surrounds them.”—Leon Wieseltier, The New York Times Book Review 
 
“Spellbinding . . . In this divided, fought-over shard of land splintered from the Middle East barely seventy years ago, Mr. Shavit’s prophetic voice carries lessons that all sides need to hear.”
The Economist
 
“One of the most nuanced and challenging books written on Israel in years . . . [The] book’s real power: On an issue so prone to polemic, Mr. Shavit offers candor.”
—The Wall Street Journal
 
“A tour de force.”
—Jewish Journal

“Reads like a love story and a thriller at once.”
—Dwight Garner, The New York Times

“[A] searingly honest, descriptively lush, painful and riveting story of the creation of Zionism in Israel and [Shavit’s] own personal voyage.”
—The Washington Post
 
“Shavit is a master storyteller. [His] retelling of history jars us out of our familiar retrospections, reminds us (and we do need reminders) that there are historical reasons why Israel is a country on the edge. . . . Required reading for both the left and the right.”
The Jewish Week
 
“The most extraordinary book that I’ve read on [Israel] since Amos Elon’s book called
The Israelis, and that was published in the late sixties.”—David Remnick, on Charlie Rose
 
My Promised Land is an Israeli book like no other. Not since Amos Elon’s The Israelis, Amos Oz’s In the Land of Israel, and Thomas Friedman’s From Beirut to Jerusalem has there been such a powerful and comprehensive book written about the Jewish State and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Ari Shavit is one of Israel’s leading columnists and writers, and the story he tells describes with great empathy the Palestinian tragedy and the century-long struggle between Jews and Arabs over the Holy Land. While Shavit is being brutally honest regarding the Zionist enterprise, he is also insightful, sensitive, and attentive to the dramatic life-stories of his fascinating heroes and heroines. The result is a unique nonfiction book that has the qualities of fine literature. It brings to life epic history without being a conventional history book. It deepens contemporary political understanding without being a one-sided political polemic. It is painful and provocative, yet colorful, emotional, life-loving, and inspiring. My Promised Land is the ultimate personal odyssey of a humanist exploring the startling biography of his tormented homeland, which is at the very center of global interest.”—Ehud Barak, former Prime Minister and Defense Minister of Israel
 
“With deeply engaging personal narratives and morally nuanced portraits, Ari Shavit takes us way beneath the headlines to the very heart of Israel’s dilemmas in his brilliant new work. His expertise as a reporter comes through in the interviews, while his lyricism brings the writing—and the people—to life. Shavit also challenges Israelis and Diaspora Jewry to be bold in imagining the next chapter for Israel, a challenge that will no doubt be informed by this important book.”
—Rick Jacobs, president, Union for Reform Judaism

“This is the epic history that Israel deserves—beautifully written, dramatically rendered, full of moral complexity. Ari Shavit has made a storied career of explaining Israel to Israelis; now he shares his mind-blowing, trustworthy insights with the rest of us. It is the best book on the subject to arrive in many years.”
—Franklin Foer, editor, The New Republic
 
“A beautiful, mesmerizing, morally serious, and vexing book. I’ve been waiting most of my adult life for an Israeli to plumb the deepest mysteries of his country’s existence and share his discoveries, and Ari Shavit does so brilliantly, writing simultaneously like a poet and a prophet.
My Promised Land is a remarkable achievement.”—Jeffrey Goldberg, national correspondent, The Atlantic
 
“Ari Shavit’s
My Promised Land is without question one of the most important books about Israel and Zionism that I have ever read. Both movingly inspiring and at times heartbreakingly painful, My Promised Land tells the story of the Jewish state as it has never been told before, capturing both the triumph and the torment of Israel’s experience and soul. This is the book that has the capacity to reinvent and reshape the long-overdue conversation about how Israel’s complex past ought to shape its still-uncertain future.”—Daniel Gordis, author of Saving Israel and Koret Distinguished Fellow at Shalem College, Jerusalem

“This book is vital reading for Americans who care about the future, not only of the United States but of the world.”
—Jon Meacham, author of Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Random House; First Edition (November 19, 2013)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 464 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0385521707
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0385521703
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.75 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.34 x 1.29 x 9.55 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.5 4.5 out of 5 stars 5,387 ratings

About the author

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Ari Shavit
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Ari Shavit is a leading Israeli columnist and writer. Born in Rehovot, Israel, Shavit served as a paratrooper in the IDF and studied philosophy at the Hebrew University in Jersualem. In the 1980s he wrote for the progressive weekly Koteret Rashit, in the early 1990s he was chairperson of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, and in 1995 he joined Haaretz, where he serves on the editorial board. Shavit is also a leading commentator on Israeli public television. He is married, has a daughter and two sons, and lives in Kfar Shmariahu.

Customer reviews

4.5 out of 5 stars
5,387 global ratings

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Customers say

Customers find this book informative and well-researched, exploring the history of Israel in detail. They praise the writing quality as absorbing and literary, bringing to life the people who played roles. Many readers describe it as an engaging read that covers a wide range of Israeli history. The author is described as honest and sincere, addressing undeniable truths.

AI-generated from the text of customer reviews

706 customers mention "Insight"686 positive20 negative

Customers find the book informative and well-researched. They appreciate the author's deep insights and novel approach to describing Israel. The book provides powerful images and food for thought, broaching significant issues readers had no idea about. It also lays out challenges ahead and gives readers a better appreciation for why so many pogroms occurred.

"...must-read book, which I hope will provide me with insights and better appreciation for why so many pogroms befell upon Jewish towns, neighborhoods,..." Read more

"Shavit is a great writer with deep insight. Most of this book is informative and seems non-biased...." Read more

"...since anything you might say about the book – sensitive or callous, insightful or obtuse, humane or brutal – you can find support or refutation for..." Read more

"...different countries. This is certainly the most instructive and provocative book I have read this year." Read more

686 customers mention "History"660 positive26 negative

Customers find the book's history of Israel interesting and informative. They appreciate the author's ability to find human interest stories that underlie the broader narrative. The book provides multiple perspectives on Israel and its problems, making it thought-provoking and a quality piece of work.

"...I now better appreciate and understand the State of Israel and its people, including religious and secular Ashkenazi Jews, Sephardic Jews, Oriental..." Read more

"...Mr. Shavit explores the history of Israel in detail and offers his interpretations on a variety of subjects...." Read more

"...The one constant is the author’s commitment to tribal identity, what Martin Buber called “blood” (“the deepest, most potent stratum of our being”)..." Read more

"My Promised Land is an excellent history of the modern state of Israel...." Read more

659 customers mention "Writing quality"603 positive56 negative

Customers find the writing style engaging and well-crafted. They appreciate the author's skill in bringing people to life through vivid reporting. The book is easy to understand and provides multiple perspectives. Readers also mention that each chapter is written in the present tense, which enhances the reader's experience. Overall, customers describe the book as an excellent modern national epic.

"With his fantastic, balanced and absorbing writing, Mr. Ari Shavit places me in every historically significant event that has created and shaped the..." Read more

"Shavit is a great writer with deep insight. Most of this book is informative and seems non-biased...." Read more

"...But in another way, it is a wonderful book, giving us a vivid look into the morally and intellectually tortured world of liberal, secular Zionism,..." Read more

"...What makes My Promised Land come to life is the personal manner in which the history is told...." Read more

603 customers mention "Readability"597 positive6 negative

Customers find the book an engaging and valuable read about Israel's history. They praise the writing as fantastic, balanced, and absorbing. Readers describe it as the best single book ever written about the country.

"With his fantastic, balanced and absorbing writing, Mr. Ari Shavit places me in every historically significant event that has created and shaped the..." Read more

"Shavit is a great writer with deep insight. Most of this book is informative and seems non-biased...." Read more

"This is a splendid book for anyone who desires a glimpse into the mind of a secular Zionist, a son of Abraham who loves Israel, is passionate about..." Read more

"...in a highly readable and instructive narrative, the effect of the Yom Kippur war..." Read more

237 customers mention "Israeli history"212 positive25 negative

Customers find the book informative and engaging. They say it provides a realistic education on Palestine. The author, an accomplished journalist from the Israeli New York Times and Ha'aretz daily newspapers, covers a wide range of Israeli history, including the Zionist project and building the state of Israel. Readers appreciate the interviews with prominent Arabs and Palestinians. Overall, they describe the book as a well-written and thought-provoking account of Israel's history.

"...To his great credit, Mr. Shavit gives voice to the displaced Palestinian refugees...." Read more

"...as business magnates, Palestinian activists and politicians, Isreali political leaders (Aryeh Deri stands out), and the new generation of Israeli..." Read more

"...it isn’t much, but as a piece of propaganda, it’s the best thing ever written about Israel.” “..." Read more

"This is a very interesting and novel approach to describing Israel, its history, people, culture, wars, problems, enemies, and hopes for the future,..." Read more

208 customers mention "Honesty"184 positive24 negative

Customers appreciate the author's honesty and candid reporting on the rebirth of a nation. They find the prose thoughtful, sincere, and even-handed. The book provides superb personal details to explain both the triumph and the hidden truths. Readers appreciate the author's commitment to full disclosure of hidden truths and his transparency about the reasons for each action and their consequences.

"...He faces reality on the grounds with brave honesty and objectivity...." Read more

"...Most of this book is informative and seems non-biased...." Read more

"...It is authentic and honest. What is missing from this book, however, is an Arab voice that can balance his stories...." Read more

"...He is even handed, self-critical, and transparent about the reasons for each action and their consequences...." Read more

172 customers mention "Balance"169 positive3 negative

Customers appreciate the balanced perspective in the book. They find it interesting and insightful, providing a clear overview of Israel's strengths and weaknesses. The book provides an honest and thoughtful view of Zionism that is fair and reasonable.

"With his fantastic, balanced and absorbing writing, Mr. Ari Shavit places me in every historically significant event that has created and shaped the..." Read more

"...because Shavit does make an honest attempt at fairness and even-handedness, and although I have ready many history books, I have never once seen..." Read more

"...one principal reason: it has refocused my attention, with a somewhat novel perspective, on an issue that is most deserving of all the attention we..." Read more

"...This is also an interesting perspective on what is currently going on in Israel today and just where the people are coming from as they face the..." Read more

243 customers mention "Pacing"153 positive90 negative

Customers have different views on the pacing of the book. Some find it engaging, with a rich weave of achievements, expectations, and triumphs. They describe it as a thought-provoking, quality piece of work. Others feel the personal monologues are repetitive and tiresome, with too much stress. The book is self-centered and offers a disheartening outlook.

"...Israeli business magnate, tells the author: "Israelis are exceptionally quick, creative, and audacious. They are sexy even in the way they work...." Read more

"...too often winds up going back into yet one more long and rather tiresome personal monologue...." Read more

"...you might say about the book – sensitive or callous, insightful or obtuse, humane or brutal – you can find support or refutation for with equal ease...." Read more

"...up against little Israel, it has managed to best them all, and continues to develop, grow, blossom, prosper, and maintain its longstanding hopes for..." Read more

Making Sense of Israel's Complexities
5 out of 5 stars
Making Sense of Israel's Complexities
Ari Shavit has long been recognized as one of Israel's most brilliant and penetrating journalists. In this thought-provoking book, Shavit, a columnist for Haaretz and a commentator on Israeli television, uses his intimate knowledge of history and his keen interviewing skills to compellingly examine the complexities of modern Israeli society. No stone is left unturned, from the challenges faced by the early pioneers -- one of whom was Shavit's great grandfather, a prominent English barrister named Herbert Bentwich -- to issues of war and peace, relations between Arabs and Jews, and the moral dilemma posed by West Bank settlements."My Promised Land" is must reading for anyone seeking to achieve greater understanding of the boiling cauldron into which the Middle East has descended.
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Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on December 24, 2013
    With his fantastic, balanced and absorbing writing, Mr. Ari Shavit places me in every historically significant event that has created and shaped the State of Israel that I have come to know from various media outlets that have portrayed and "reported on" the profound daily life and death struggles between the Israeli-Jews and Israeli-Palestinians.

    I heard a radio interview of Mr. Shavit by Terry Gross on her Fresh Air show and was mesmerized by what Mr. Shavit was saying, prompting me to buy this book from Amazon to read.

    I also hope to better understand why Professor Ze'ev Sternhell, "a lauded political activist against Israeli fascism, told Mr. Shavit: "To be a Jew was to have to run away all the time."

    While Mr. Shavit's book is captivating, the subjects and topics he elaborates upon are so infinitely complex (yet need to be understood by everyone who cares about humanity) that I will write my review of this book piecemeal -- so that I can accurately capture the moral, human and historical lessons Mr. Shavit imparts upon me, as I embark on my own personal journey through his beautifully written book, filled with profoundly honest personal reflections by this author.

    I will engage in a running review of this must-read book, which I hope will provide me with insights and better appreciation for why so many pogroms befell upon Jewish towns, neighborhoods, businesses and homes throughout Europe and Russian in living memory.

    The founding of the State of Israel is testament to the extraordinary resiliency, tenacity, devotion, courage and creativity of the Jewish people. Mr. Shavit writes: "Israel is a harsh, hot land; ice cream is cold and comforting. So Israelis consumes much more ice cream than North Americans and Western Europeans. [I]sreal is a bitter land; dairy desserts are sweet and soothing. So Israelis love dairy desserts. [I]srael is an exciting and excitable country,so Israelis need ever-increasing excitement. [T]here [are] no nuances for Israel; everything [has] to be fierce and aggressive, to hit the palate with flavor. [I]srael has extraordinary people. [A]n astonishing geyser of innovation erupted out of this barren land."

    My own understanding, prior to reading this book and hearing what Mr. Shavit said to Terry Gross on NPR, comports with the thesis Mr. Shavit's embraces: the Israeli-Palestinian "conflict" has been hoisted up by two pillars that have been present in the State of Israel -- "intimidation and occupation".

    A "two-state solution," which I too believe is what might bring lasting peaceful co-existence between the Israelis and the Palestinians, is also fraught with existential threats to both peoples, especially since both people are living relatively close to one another in the same modern State of Israel.

    The British Empire proposed a two nation-states when Palestine was still one of its colonies. In July 1937, Lord Peel's Royal Commission recommended to the British government to partition Palestine into "two nation-states, Jewish and Arab." Easier said than done!

    Mr. Amos Oz, whom the author describes as "Israel's most distinguished author," "the peace prophet," "the guru of the peace movement and the chief rabbi of Israel's peace congregation," also believes "both morals and realism dictate[] only one solution, the two-state solution."

    Mr. Shavit acknowledges: On July 25, 1938, Jewish extremists "murdered more than thirty-five Arabs by exploding a highly powerful bomb in the crowded Haifa market." Predictably, "[i]n the dance of blood, the atrocities that Arabs visited upon the Jews and the atrocities that Jews visited upon the Arabs grew even more grisly." As Max Boot recounted in his Herculean book entitled "Invisible Armies . . .," every underdog has used terror against its mightier opponent. Mr. Shavit acknowledges that the birth of the State of Israel witnessed the use of terror by all sides.

    A very intriguing thesis was noted in a CNN program I was watching last night -- December 22, 2013 -- entitled "Back to the Beginning" by Christiane Amanpour made by ABC and first broadcast in 2012 -- what if the Israeli and Palestinian came from the same ancient tribe and they were in fact ancient brothers, sisters and/or cousins. What if the results of a well devised and administered, in statistically terms, DNA tests reveal this to be the case. What then? History has shown time and again that family feuds have lead to self-destruction of the family members, usually outside third-parties benefited greatly (unscathed).

    I'm pleased that Mr. Shavit introduced us to his great-grandfather Herbert Bentwich,an upper-middle-class British Jew who went on a pilgrimage as a Zionist to Jaffa in 1897 and about Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism.

    It is so heartening and inspiring to read about the youngsters who founded Ein Harod in the 1920's and their first arrival there in September 1921. It is refreshing for a person of Mr. Shavit great stature to observe: "Some will argue that choosing socialism at this critical stage (the founding of Ein Harod) is Zionism's cunning way of conquering the land (ancient land of Israel). [Y]et all this idealistic socialism is just subterfuge, future critics will claim. It is the moral camouflage of an aggressive national movement whose purpose is to obscure its colonialist, expansionist nature." The reality, of course, is not the simplistic black/white paradigm, as horrifically demonstrated by the 20th century Holocaust against millions and millions of Jews by the Nazis.

    The late Shmaryahu Gutman's, whom Mr. Shavit interviewed for this book, arduous journey to Masada with forty-six disciples in early 1942 provides insights to the backbones that created and are upholding the modern state of Israel. Mr. Gutman "believes that the essence of Zionism is momentum -- never to retreat, never to rest, always to push forward. The new Hebrews must push the limits of what the Jews can do, of what any people can do. They must defy fate." Hence, Mr. Shavit notes: "The only way to maintain life is resistance." This ethos of resistance, as embodied by Gutman's Masada, enable me to better understand Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose charisma and orations captured my imagination when he began appearing on PBS's NewsHour and Charlie Rose.

    While history cannot be undone, Mr. Shavit acknowledges "Lydda is our black box. In it lies the dark secret of Zionism." He exposes the raw truth about the "massacre" the new State of Israel, founded in May 14, 1948 after the British Empire relinquished Palestine and the UN General Assembly then endorsed partitioning it into a Jewish state and an Arab state, carried out against the Arabs -- Christian and Muslim families -- in Lydda in July 1948.

    Mr. Shavit recounts a letter written by a Jewish lady during those early days.

    "I cannot recognize the guys anymore. All of them are drunk with victory and driven by the lust for loot. Each one of them took all that he could and in the joy of triumph they broke loose, expressing feelings of hatred and revenge, turning into real animals. They smashed, destroyed, and killed anything in their path".

    However, Mr. Shavit acknowledges: "If it wasn't for them, I would not have been born. They did the dirty, filthy work that enables my people, myself, my daughter, and my sons to live." Indeed, unhealed wounds abound, hindering peace from flourishing among Jews and Palestinians.

    Mr. Shavit engages in a frank introspective about the first ten years of the State of Jewish-Israel, where and when he was born. He sheds instructive light on the Bizaron housing estate (shikun), which provided a new life for Pole, Russian, Hungarian, German, Iraqi, Ukraine and Czech Jewish refugees who escaped and survived the anti-Semitic genocides, Hitler's Holocaust and Mengeles' evil experiments.

    Mr. Shavit argues that the existential need for Jewish-Israel to accommodate nearly one million immigrants engendered "four forces of amnesia": (a) "the denial of the Palestinian past," (b) "the denial of the Palestinian disaster," (c) "the denial of the Jewish past," and (d) "the denial of the Jewish catastrophe."

    Mr. Shavit raises a profound (and likely controversial) thesis: "In the first decade, the unique endeavor of nation building consumes all of the young state's physical and mental resources. There is no time and no place for guilt or compassion. The number of Jewish refugees that Israel absorbs surpasses the number of Palestinian refugees it expelled. And all the while, the vast Arab nation doesn't life a finger to help its Palestinian brothers and sisters."

    In the illuminating chapter about Dimona, Israel's (open) secret successful nuclear energy and defense programs, Mr. Shavit notes: "Even those among them who were not Jewish believed that Israel represented a historical act of justice and regarded it as a Western bulwark in the East."

    Despite the decades of normalcy and deterrence Dimona has provided Israel, the author warns that "Israel's nuclear hegemony in the Middle East is probably coming to a close. Sooner or later, the Israeli monopoly will be broken. First one hostile state will go nuclear, then a second hostile state, then a third. In the first half of the twenty-first century, the Middle East is bound to be nuclearized."

    Lasting resolution of the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict requires equitable resolution of the settlements. Mr. Shavit, a self-professed "left-wing journalist," concedes that "[w]ith horror I realize that the DNA of [Yehuda Etzion's -- a founder of the Ofra settlement, which is "the mother of all settlements"] Zionism and the DNA of my Zionism share a few genes." The author states that people cannot understand the settlements without first understanding the searing consequences upon the psyche of Israelis caused by the Six Day War in May 1967 and the Yom Kippur War that began on October 6, 1973.

    While Mr. Shavit provides the reader with a succinct, yet profound understanding of the settlements, this issue seems even more daunting and intractable and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians seems even more unattainable.

    This apparent hopelessness is colored by Mr. Shavit's harsh criticism of two founders, Pinchas Wallerstein and Yehuda Etzion, of Ofra: "The reality created by Wallerstein and Etzion and their friends has entangled Israel in a predicament that cannot be untangled. The settlements have placed Israel's neck in a noose. They created an untenable demographic, political, moral, and judicial reality. But now Ofra's illegitimacy taints Israel itself. Like a cancer, it spreads from one organ to another, endangering the entire body. Ofra's colonialism makes the world perceive Israel as a colonialist entity."

    But, as of Chapter Eight, Mr. Shavit had yet to offer any vision of how the 21st Century State of Israel could endeavor to achieve lasting peace among Israelis and Palestinians. In Chapter Ten, entitled "Peace, 1993," suggests anti-war protests and demonstrations for peace without "action" will render the State of Israel "a rudderless nation, lost at sea with no captain and no compass and no sense of direction."

    In recounting a recent face-to-face discussion he had with Yossi Sarid, whom Mr. Shavit describes as "the undisputed hero of the Israeli peace movement" in the eyes of hundreds of thousands of Israelis who had demonstrated against wars in the 1970s and 1980s, the author seems to criticize his own inaction in the peace process. The author admits: "The hours I spent with him leave me bewildered and disheartened."

    Mr. Shavit writes what he told Mr. Sarid: "Both you and the peace movement were always against. Against Meir, against Begin, against occupation. [Y]our failing was you were always about negation. Protests. Demonstrations. [Y]ou never built anything. You never put up a home or planted a tree. And you never accepted the heavy responsibility of dealing with the complexity of Israeli reality. [P]olitically and emotionally it was unproductive and barren, even corrosive. [A]nd there was too much judgment. [Y]ou did not nurture, did not inspire, you did not lead." Mr. Shavit's harsh criticism against Mr. Sarid seems also to be aimed against himself. The author seems to be projecting here; perhaps this is his own mea culpa, of sorts.

    Mr. Amos Oz, the peace prophet, tells the author: "I made one big mistake. I underestimated the importance of fear. The Right's strongest argument is fear. [I]t's a legitimate argument. I, too, am afraid of the Arabs. So if I were to start the peace movement all over again, that's the one change I would make. I would address our fear of the Arabs. I would have a genuine dialogue about the Israeli fear of extinction."

    The take-away from this book thus far is that Israelis, like residents and citizens throughout the world, are not monolithic about how best to resolve the seemingly never ending tragedy that grips the modern State of Israel -- the settlements. Mr. Shavit notes "Israel is at odds with itself."

    His longtime colleague and friend, Israel Harel, reminds him: "The people of Tel Aviv will understand how hollow their existence is, that without us they have no roots, no depth, and no life. [W]hat began in Ofra will make Israel Jewish and Zionist again."

    Another take-away from this profoundly insightful book is that Israelis and Palestinians in the current State of Israel have a connected destiny, wherein both peoples must succeed. The author yearns: "Like most Israelis, we'd prefer our Israel to be a sort of California. . . ." Having lived in California for decades, as a reader, I know our streets are not paved with gold. But wouldn't it be wonderful if in our lifetime all of the mountains and streets in the State of Israel and a new State of Palestine were lined with Jaffa orange groves and everyone enjoying the fruits of peace and prosperity.

    Mr. Shavit espouses a hopeful vision. "One day, when Free Palestine is established, its government will surely lease this piece of land to some international entrepreneur who will build the Gaza Beach Club Med. One day, when there is peace, Israelis will come out here for a short holiday break abroad. By these blue-green waters, they will drink whine and dance the samba. On their way home they will buy embroidered black Palestinian dresses in the air-conditioned duty-free shop of the international terminal separating prosperous Israel from peaceful Palestine."

    But still the author is resigned to the harsh realities on the grounds: "What is needed to make peace between the two peoples of this land is probably more than humans can summon." He notes: "Hulda says peace shall not be." He says the Valley of Hulda is a "cursed" land, which now has "an upper-middle-class community of Israel's new bourgeoisie" and boasts six varies of grapes, including Merlot, Cabernet Sauvignon and Sauvignon Blanc.

    Early Jewish pioneers had purchased barren land from Arabs in Hulda and toiled to establish a thriving kibbutz. But in April 1948, a Jewish army invaded the Arab villages in Hulda and chased away the Arabs and pillaged their homes and farms. Mr. Shavit laments: "Hulda is the crux of the matter. Hulda is what the conflict is really about. And Hulda has no solution. Hulda is our fate."

    The author notes a historical irony and makes a tragically dire prediction: "After eighteen hundred years of powerless existence, Jewish soldiers employed a large, organized force to take another people's land and to conquer dozens of villages -- of which Hulda was one of the first. Here, by the old well of Hulda, we moved from one phase of our history to another, from one sphere of morality to another. So all that has haunted us ever since is right here. All that will go on haunting us is right here. Generation after generation. War after war."

    To his great credit, Mr. Shavit gives voice to the displaced Palestinian refugees. The author writes that in April 1993, he searched for and found a seventy-year-old Jamal Munheir, a Palestinian refugee in the West Bank, and then went with him to his ancestral land in Hulda.

    Mr. Shavit poignantly reminds us how many of the Palestinians became refugees:

    "You were a rich man," I said. Immediately, I realized I have made a terrible mistake. Jamal [Munheir] erupted, "My heart burns when I come here. I go crazy when I come here. We were respected people. Englishmen and Jews and Arabs listened to us. Our words carried weight. But today, who are we, what are we? Beggars. No one respects us. We, who owned all this land, don't even have one grain of wheat. Only a UNRWA refugee certificate."

    "He went silent. Under the old pine trees the only sound was that of my small tape recorder recording the silence. Until Jamal turned to me again, crying, saying that from the beginning of time his forefathers lived here and died here and were buried here. They plowed this plot of land for hundreds of years. From this old well they drew water for generations. Until the Jews came to Hulda and wiped out the Munheir family. Until the Jews conquered and pillaged Hulda. "Where is Rasheed?" Jamal cried. "And where is Mahmoud, and where are all the village people? Where is our Hulda?"

    The author recounts a 2003 "road-trip" to Galilee he took with Mr. Mohammed Dahla, the prominent Palestinian-Israeli attorney who was born and have deep roots in the Galilee village of Turan, whom Mr. Shavit considers an Israeli brethren and close friend.

    Mr. Dahla reveals that he participated in the peace process through back-channels in the late 1990, wherein "the Palestinians demanded repatriations for their suffering and asked that these reparations be paid by Israel to the future Palestinian state so it would utilize them just as the reparations paid by Germany to Israel were utilized for national projects."

    Mr. Dahla explains: "At the outset, the Jews had no legal, historical, or religious rights to the land. The only right they had was the right born of persecution, but that right cannot justify taking 78 percent of a land that is not theirs. It cannot justify the fact that the guests went on to become the masters. [W]e are not like you. We are not strangers ow wanderers or emigrants. For centuries we have lived upon this land and we multiplied. No one can uproot us. No one can separate us from the land. Not even you."

    The author writes: "He [Mr. Dahla] tells me that the Palestinian catastrophe of 1948 was not exactly like the Holocaust, but that he is not willing to accept the Jewish monopoly on the term 'Holocaust.' 'It's true that here, there were no concentration camps,' Dahla says. 'But on the other hand, unlike the Holocaust, the Palestinian catastrophe of 1948 is still going on. And while the Holocaust was the holocaust of man, the Palestinian catastrophe of 1948 was a holocaust of man and land. The destruction of our people,' he says, 'was also the destruction of our homeland.'"

    In my humble opinion, the world owes a tremendous amount of gratitude to Mr. Avi Shavit for writing this eloquent, balanced and profoundly insightful book. He faces reality on the grounds with brave honesty and objectivity. I now better appreciate and understand the State of Israel and its people, including religious and secular Ashkenazi Jews, Sephardic Jews, Oriental Jews and Sunni and Christian Arabs. The chapter about Mr. Aryeh Machluf Deri, the (controversial) Moroccan-born Oriental ultra-Orthodox Jewish leader, added a nuanced and deep dimension to my understanding of the State of Israel.

    But, after reading this marvelous book, I am less pessimistic than Mr. Shavit about the peace process. I'm cautiously optimistic that the current peace process, being partly spearheaded by the US Secretary of State John F. Kerry, could product a true peace accord that would preserve the State of Israel and create the State of Palestine. A perfect storm is sweeping through the Middle East -- Iraq is plunging into a failed state, especially with the recent fall of Fallujah to Al-Qaeda, Egypt has descended into military rule, Syria is being torn asunder by raging wars and internal fighting fueled by Al-Qaeda militants, Lebanon has erupted yet again into violence, Jordan is being crushed by the deluge of Syrian refugees that continue to multiply and pour in, and Al-Qaeda franchises are metastasizing throughout the Middle East.

    My current optimism is supported by Charlie Rose's interview of Mr. Riyad H. Mansour, the current Permanent Observer of Palestine to the UN, that aired on US PBS TV stations on January 7, 2014. It sounds like Mr. Kerry has been able to help the parties reach advance negotiations. Mr. Mansour praised Mr. Kerry as tenaciously and passionately committed to this round of peace process, as evinced by his frequent face-to-face meetings with the parties. A peaceful and safe State of Israel is needed in the region more than ever. A peaceful, prosperous and safe State of Palestine will likely serve to help stabilize the chaotic Middle East.

    The deep, simmering ethnic tensions between the Ashkenazi Jews (the European Jewry) and Oriental Jews (the Levant or Arabic Jewry) is yet another reality that compels the young State of Israel to achieve peace (with guaranteed security) with the Palestinians, sooner rather than later.

    Mr. Shavit writes movingly and honestly about the plight of the Oriental Jewry, whose population may one day eclipse that of other ethnic Jews in the State of Israel. By 1990, Oriental Jews purportedly exceeded 50 percent of Jewish Israelis.

    Ms. Gal Gabai, a journalist and the anchor of a popular political talk show, explains to the author, who is also her friend and colleague, why she is drawn to Mr. Dari: "Until Dari came and proved that we could stand tall and proud -- walk among the Ashkenazim as equals. Deri brought North African Jewish tradition to center stage. [H]e gave even Oriental yuppies like me the ability to be at peace with ourselves and feel worthy."

    The author notes: "Between the mid-nineteenth century and the mid-twentieth century, Arab world Jewry experienced a relative golden age. As it was close to French and British colonial rulers, it enjoyed their patronage. It won rights it had never enjoyed before. Many Jews in North Africa and the Middle East benefited from all that Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut, Cairo, Alexandria, Tunis and Casablanca had to offer. But by the 1940s and 1950s the magic of the Orient had evaporated. Colonialism retreated, Arab nationalism was on the rise, and Zionism was triumphant. Within a few years a civilization collapsed. Thousand-year-old communities disintegrated within months. With one swing of history's sword the soft underbelly of the old Levant was sliced open. The enchanting, pluralist Orient was gone. A million Jewish Arabs were uprooted, their world destroyed, their culture decimated, their homes lost."

    Ms. Gabai theorizes that "[i]n Israel, belonging is bought with blood. We Oriental Jews didn't bleed enough into the river of belonging. We were not murdered in the Holocaust. We did not get killed in the War of Independence. [W]e were imported only because European Jewry was exterminated and there was no other way to grow the state. [W]estern Zionism feared us. It feared the Arabism we brought with us: the Arab music, the smells and tastes of Arab cuisines, Arab mannerisms. [F]rom the outset we were under suspicion. So we were culturally castrated. [W]e had to prove daily that we were not Arabs. [W]e do not accept ourselves and we do not love ourselves. [A]nd we are always asked to present proof. We have to prove we are not inferior and not flawed. [A]lthough my three kids are half-Ashkenazi, Ashkenazi Israel does not accept me as I am [a Moroccan-born Jew]. Israel still suspects me."

    The history of every nation, including and especially the United State of America, is tainted by racism to varying degrees. The healing process can seem to take an eternity.

    Courageously, Mr. Shavit discusses the tough issue of racism in this book. Equally important to ponder is the following: "Yet there is another way to look at this. There is a politically incorrect truth here that is not easy to express. And this truth is this truth is that Israel did a favor to those it extracted from the Orient. The Jews there had no real future in the new Baghdad, the new Beirut, the new Cairo, or the new Meknes. Had they stayed, they would have been annihilated."

    In describing the Israeli "condition" on its fifth-decade of statehood, which coincided with the second millennium, Mr. Shavit notes that "there is a huge divide here." He states "You can see it at Allenby 58, young people saying, 'Enough, it's time for fun.' There is a new generation in Israel and it's demanding happiness."

    By 2006, after the Second Lebanon War, the euphoria that ushered in the new millennium for the State of Israel had evaporated. The author notes: "By now Allenby 58 is closed, but Jerusalem's Hauman 17 has turned a huge garage in southern Tel Aviv into the new mecca of dance, drugs and casual encounters." As part of his research, Mr. Shavit meets a twenty-five-year-old blond psychology student at a new hip underground club in Tel Aviv, who laments: "Ecstasy was love-sex, coke is alienation-sex. [I]t's hard-core, in your face, but there's no love, no affection. No hope whatsoever."

    Mr. Shavit characterizes the State of Israel as schizophrenic and laments that today "[t]here is no Israeli togetherness." He explains that the year 1973 was the "most decisive" pivotal year in Israel's history: "The trauma of the Yom Kippur War terminated the reign of Israel's ancient regime. It promulgated a deep distrust of the state, its government, and its leadership. It empowered the individual and weakened the collective. It crushed Ben Gurion's legacy and his concrete state."

    The author contends: "The mass Russian immigration of 1989-1991 added to the chaos. The one million immigrants . . . invigorated [Israel's] economy and shared its Jewish majority but added to the lack of cohesion. [T]he well-educated newcomers [many of whom are engineers, technicians, programmers] felt they were superior to the ones absorbing them. Hence, they did not shed their old identity and endorse an Israeli identity as previous immigrants had done. They maintained their Russian values and their Russian way of life and they largely lived in Russian enclaves."

    Mr. Shavit concedes: "Yes, occupation is killing us morally and politically, but occupation is not only the cause of the malaise but its outcome. [T]he immediate challenge is the challenge of regaining national potency. An impotent Israel cannot make peace or wage war -- or end occupation. The 2006 trauma provided Israelis with an accurate picture of the overall condition of their political body: an enfeebled national leadership, a barely functional government, a public sector in decay, an army consumed with rot, and a startling disconnect between metropolis and periphery."

    The author adds: "But the 2006 experience also provides a detailed panoramic picture of the world Israel lives in: Iran on the rise, Hezbollah building up in the north, Hamas building up in the south. [F]aced with renewed existential danger, Israel has no relevant national strategy. It is confused and paralyzed."

    It is highly encouraging that the Israeli youths awoke and took to the streets peacefully in the summer of 2011, occupying the posh Tel Aviv's Rothschild Boulevard, which may even have served as partial inspiration for Occupy Wall Street to mobilize later in the same year. The author writes: "Moderate and nonviolent, it succeeded in wining the support of 80 percent of Israelis. For one summer, it unites Israelis again by giving them a sense of hope."

    "On July 23, [2011,] 30,000 youths march in the streets of Tel Aviv, chanting a new-old slogan: 'The people demand social justice.' On July 30, they are 130,000 strong, on August 6, they are 300,000 strong. On September 3, 450,000 people take to the streets -- 6 percent of Israel's population. [Itzik] Shmuli is the keynote speaker at the rally held in Tel Aviv's Nation Square. 'We are the new Israelis,' he calls out to the 330,000 cheering demonstrations. 'We love our country and we are willing to die for our country. Let us live in the country we love.'"

    Mr. Shumli tells the author: "We do not see ourselves anymore as cynical hedonists. Now our life as Israelis has meaning. This new sense of meaning is the great achievement of 2011. We love Israel again and believes in Israel and we are determined to reform it."

    Like the Republic of Korea ("South Korea"), the State of Israel became an economic Hebrew Tiger! Mr. Shavit explains that Israel's economy is "one of the most nimble economies in the West." Mr. Stanley Fischer, who served as the governor of the Bank of Israel from 2005 to 2013, notes "Israel has more companies traded on the NASDAQ than Canada or Japan. No wonder that venture capital investments in Israel are larger than in Germany or France. [T]he high-tech revolution combined with a prudent macroeconomic policy has made Israel a hub of prosperity."

    Mr. Michael Strauss, the Israeli business magnate, tells the author: "Israelis are exceptionally quick, creative, and audacious. They are sexy even in the way they work. They are hardworking and tireless. They are endowed with a competitive spirit -- with the need to be the first at the finish line. And they are willing to do whatever it takes to be the first at the finish line. They never take no for an answer. They never accept failure or acknowledge defeat."
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  • Reviewed in the United States on July 26, 2014
    Shavit is a great writer with deep insight. Most of this book is informative and seems non-biased. Mr. Shavit explores the history of Israel in detail and offers his interpretations on a variety of subjects. The vast majority of the time, his assessments are enlightening and appear reasonable. In a situation this complex, readers will not agree with all of his analyses. Is it better to occasionally disagree with the author's opinions or should an author be less opinionated? I'll take the opinions every time if they seem reasonable and are the best attempt at finding the truth. Some readers may disagree, preferring less opinion.

    The section on Lydda explores several atrocities committed by Israeli soldiers. According to Shavit, war crimes took place in the area around the time of the 1948 war. He investigates the expulsion (or fleeing) of the Arabs from that area and concludes that the actions taken by Israel in Lydda were unjust. It seems quite possible that Shavit's reporting about Lydda is factual. If the details are true, the implication is that even Israel had some immoral characters in its forces. What Shavit doesn't say is whether the evil acts committed by a minority of soldiers or leaders should be considered evidence that the majority of the population supported such atrocities. Did this same sequence of events happen elsewhere? Shavit does not answer. I've read other accounts of the subject of Arabs fleeing the country in 1948 explaining that many feared being caught up in the middle of a war and fled on their own accord for what they expected would be a short time until the neighboring Arab countries overran Israel. Was the Lydda expulsion typical or an anomaly? Shavit does not answer this question.

    Shavit doesn't elaborate on several additional issues. First, the lack of character shown by the residents of Gaza for electing Hamas in 2006, even though they were card carrying racists. He points at the election relating to the ineptness and corruption of the PA but my feeling is that it is morally wrong for a population to vote for its pocketbooks while failing to consider that their party of choice has "kill Jews" in its charter. A second issue not explored enough: Why do Palestinians languish in refugee camps to this day within the neighboring Arab countries? They speak the same language as the residents of those countries and practice the same religion. It is unclear why they are still stuck in refugee camps. Should the blame be apportioned to Israel or its neighbors? Since Shavit is writing about injustices done to the Palestinians, this is a big issue deserving more detailed exploration.

    I especially enjoyed the interviews of such diverse representatives of Israel as business magnates, Palestinian activists and politicians, Isreali political leaders (Aryeh Deri stands out), and the new generation of Israeli youth that seems more interested in partying than in politics. Shavit's back and forth dialogue is interesting; his confrontational style with the interviewees forces them to defend their positions.

    Another interesting issue I discovered that Shavit makes more understandable to me is the effect of religious Jews on Israel. It is a sad fact that such a large percentage of the children entering schools in Israel are on track to learn orthodox Judaism rather than math or science. My conclusion--not Shavit's--is that this time bomb could eventually result in a brain drain and emigration by the best and brightest because they might not enjoy paying gigantic tax bills where much of the money goes to supporting religious folks on the dole.

    Shavit also explores the motivations of Palestinians. However, compared to the Jewish subjects in interviews, there are fewer Palestinian voices. I wish Shavit would have elaborated on whether the Palestinians are really driven by that 10% of the West Bank that Israel has settled, or, are they interested in taking over the entire country of Israel? What percentage support ISIS or al Qaeda and just hate Jews? [Since I first published this review, I saw one poll showing that 25% of Palestinians support ISIS, the highest such polling numbers in the Middle East]. What is the meaning of numerous polls showing that a majority of Palestinians support suicide bombings? These seemingly essential questions are not covered.

    Is Israel dealing with a foe that embraces racism on the level of Germans in the 1940s? I'm not suggesting that Hamas have committed the level of atrocities of the Nazis. But would they if they could? Based on the polls above, many Israelis have concluded that the Palestinian population itself has no problem with electing racists who state they would like to annihilate the Jews. Is the Israeli right wing assessment that Arabs in general are not very nice to minorities--Christians are killed regularly in surrounding countries--a valid reason to be hesitant about unenforceable peace treaties? What percentage of the Palestinians living in the West Bank have a positive view of Hamas in spite of its racism and TV programming aimed at teaching its children to hate Jews? Such questions are not answered in Shavit's treatise. They seem important in terms of conclusions. Shavit taught me a lot but left me wondering about a lot more.
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  • preeta chag
    4.0 out of 5 stars The author's journey into the land’s birth, occupation, existence and survival. A good read
    Reviewed in India on December 20, 2023
    “We dwell under the looming shadow of a smoking volcano.”

    Written in 2013, the words of this book hold true even today for Israel, a land that is so permanently on-the-edge.

    ‘A Promised Land: The Triumph and Tragedy of Israel’ by Ari Shavit is a personal introspection of the author into the land’s birth, occupation, existence and survival. As he writes in the beginning, “This book is the personal odyssey of one Israeli who is bewildered by the historic drama engulfing his homeland.”

    The author is a proud Israeli, but with no blinkers on. He knows the nation is born from blood and intimidation. He condemns the brutality inflicted on the Palestinians, but he also professes the need of survival. Ari Shavit lays bare the duality of each chapter of the country’s existence.

    Terror perpetrated. Terror suffered. Occupation. Intimidation. Tales of brutality. Tales of prevailing. A nation whose origin and living is enshrined in blood and violence.

    ‘My Promised Land’ begins with a journey of the group of early Zionists who travelled from London to Jaffa led by Rt Honorable Herbert Bentwich, the author’s great grandfather.

    The book is divided into 17 chapters, each chapter dealing with the journey of the country and its evolution with tales of horror and dread, along with fortitude and courage.

    In Chapter 2, Into the Valley, the author Ari Shavit describes dramatically, the entry into the Valley of Harod. The seeds of Israel are sown. And comes into existence a state whose sustenance will always be defined by the intimidation it is surrounded with and the cruelty it inflicts.

    Israel is a nation born from a steely determination. Chapter 4 Masada is spine-chilling in its intensity of courage and commitment. Shmaryahu Gutman was the chief person instrumental in turning Masada from a symbol of defeat, death, and destruction to an ethos of unification of Hebrew youth. A formative set of New Zionism. The first journey in January 1942 was the beginning of a movement. A cacophony of strong resolution and fervent energy.

    But Israel is also a land born from spilled blood, coercion, and forced occupation. Chapter 5, Lydda. The dark chapter of expulsion and destruction. “If Zionism was to be, Lydda could not be.” The chapter is a gory reminder of the law of the jungle-the survival of the fittest.

    A nation of conflicting stories and identities, Chapter 6, Housing Estate are stories of endurance. The stories of the four fatal survivors are stories of despair, torment, loneliness, and finally, survival.

    Professor Sternhell. “From the age of seven, I had no one to talk to. …..I erased everything.”

    Aharon Applefield. “From village to village, from forest to forest. I survived like a field animal.”

    Aharon Barak. “My mother and I lived in the one and a half meters between the walls for six months.”

    Louis Aynachi. “The world had shifted from its natural course. The impossible had happened.”

    Ari Shavat has narrated four of the stories of around 7,50,000 Jewish refugees who arrived in Israel between 1945 and 1951. Stark. Brutal. Incisive. Compassionate. This influx of refugees necessitated the national projects of the 1950’s of Housing, Agricultural settlement, and Industrialisation setting in motion the establishment of the state of Israel.

    Chapter 11, J’Accuse deals with the integration of Oriental Jews into the mainstream Israel. The whole chapter dwells on the tortured soul of citizens yet finding ways to belong. Way to integrate. Way to be one. Way to be Israeli.

    The author has, in the end, defined seven circles of threat to the country: Islamic, Arabic, Palestinian, internal, mental, moral, and identity-based. And his biggest question is: the survival of Israel.

    “Our cities seemed to be built on shifting sand. Our houses never seemed quite stable.”

    The book is a reflection: questions seeking answers, the right questioning the wrong, and the light wanting to embrace the dark.

    “Both occupation and intimidation make the Israeli condition unique. Intimidation and occupation have become the two pillars of our condition.”

    Ari Shavat is self-questioning, self-explaining. The book seems a catharsis of his inner conflict, his dilemma, his country’s dilemma, and his adversaries’ dilemma.

    “We dwell under the looming shadow of a smoking volcano.”
  • Brendan Ryan
    5.0 out of 5 stars a profound and nuanced exploration
    Reviewed in Spain on May 23, 2023
    "My Promised Land: The Triumph and Tragedy of Israel" by Ari Shavit offers a profound and nuanced exploration of the historical, political, and societal complexities that have shaped the state of Israel. Shavit presents a deeply personal and introspective account, blending meticulous research, interviews, and personal anecdotes to shed light on Israel's past, present, and future.

    What makes this book truly captivating is Shavit's ability to navigate the multifaceted nature of Israel's story. He delves into the triumphs, examining Israel's remarkable achievements in various fields, such as science, technology, and agriculture. Through vibrant storytelling, Shavit conveys the spirit of determination, innovation, and resilience that has characterized the nation.

    However, alongside the triumphs, Shavit confronts the tragic aspects and moral dilemmas that have plagued Israel throughout its existence. He explores the conflicting narratives, complex relationships with neighboring countries, and the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The author does not shy away from addressing the difficult questions and the moral challenges faced by Israel as it strives to reconcile its ideals with the realities of its existence.

    Shavit's writing style is eloquent, evocative, and introspective, immersing readers in the rich tapestry of Israel's history. He brings the people and places to life, allowing readers to feel a personal connection to the stories he shares. From the early Zionist pioneers to the struggles of different communities within Israel, Shavit captures the essence of the diverse voices that make up the nation.

    While the book provides an insightful analysis of Israel, it is worth noting that Shavit's perspective leans towards a more liberal Zionist viewpoint. Some readers might appreciate his candidness and self-reflection, while others may desire a more balanced examination of the issues presented.

    "My Promised Land" is a thought-provoking and comprehensive account of Israel's journey, offering readers a deeper understanding of the complexities, contradictions, and aspirations that shape the nation. It is a valuable resource for anyone seeking to explore the intricate layers of Israeli society, history, and identity.
  • Josefine Schrauber
    5.0 out of 5 stars Zeitreise
    Reviewed in Germany on January 2, 2021
    Sehr interessantes Buch, eine Perspektive in jüngere Geschichte und gesellschaftliche Veränderungen eines heutzutage medial so präsenten Gebietes. Es liest sich in etwa wie eine Zeitreise, v.a. durch's 20. Jhd. Ich will noch mehr VON Leuten der Region lesen, als häufig nur ÜBER sie.
  • Gerardo Miranda
    5.0 out of 5 stars Buen libro
    Reviewed in Mexico on December 31, 2018
    Excelente libro para leerlo, recomendado.
    Es la versión en inglés pero puedes obtener la versión en español si buscas un poco.
  • William
    5.0 out of 5 stars Necessário
    Reviewed in Brazil on February 5, 2017
    Excelente texto escrito por Ari Shavit. Não importa se você é de esquerda, centro ou direita, um livro necessário para tentar entender com mais profundidade as raízes do conflito árabe-israelense.